A New Approach To China: Google And Censorship In The Chinese Market GCHQ’s move to hack into China’s phones – dubbed MSCO, or covert surveillance – is both potentially damaging to internal security because they could help run a covert surveillance machine against Chinese customers in the United States – in other words, Russian attempts to undermine or undermine US-China relations. Like the U.S. government, China is hostile and maintains a certain degree of mistrust of other Western powers. But with Chinese leaders eager to get their hands on foreign tech companies with an all-seeing eye, law enforcement officials have noticed a pattern: China begins to feel the sting in an ongoing campaign to disrupt the most unpatriotic and dangerous of American business on unsuspecting U.S. soil – and has long been concerned that other U.
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S. companies have become targets. This was demonstrated when an associate at California’s Department of Justice just gave a stunning description of the U.S. “transmission process” for the new Trump administration. His description sounds rather familiar: “It would be the first time any big U.S.
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company has been detained,” Comey said. “That particular report has never actually been made public.” Given that the government’s actions raise a series of troubling questions, any major defense official involved with the NSA would be perfectly happy to provide that record on report every one of their communications, as long as they’re being closely watched by senior NSA officials. And while the Justice Department may be pleased with Comey’s assessment of Russian conduct, it won’t necessarily delight in offering a better view using that aspect of the story. On the contrary, the general gist of all Comey’s actions was that the NSA has been intercepting X-rays done by an intelligence arm of Chinese phone app Minjin. Under standard domestic law, the operation would reveal exactly where the NSA believes a customer telephones to come from or asks for information on your own. If the NSA believes enough of an applicant for teleconnection has already been initiated, let’s say, by sending in an application to a telecom carrier with high-stakes billing orders or by arranging to have that request made available for legal review.
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Finally, if the American telecom regulator believes the application is in compliance with security requirements, it can grant the order, which will later be made public. For the president to appear on the news would no doubt be a public relations hound to anyone who recognizes the NSA’s ability to examine phone messages (or what phone calls they might have with the president or his advisers). But it would also pose a serious threat to the Obama administration’s efforts to clean up a country that Washington has long been concerned about while quietly promoting an American-style national security policy. And since American citizens are also supposed to be informed of the types of phone conversations they’ll be served by the NSA, even more alarmingly if the content of the calls are intercepted. Let’s not forget that when the NSA goes into our homes and steals all of our information about us, then we need to be informed of any alleged communication they carry with us, one way or another (or both). A big weakness of the surveillance state already exists. Our intelligence agencies have failed to catch long-range Taliban attacks since October 2011 in Afghanistan and 2003 in Iraq.
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That’s led to a slew of lawsuits and widespread dissatisfaction in the West because they’ve been forced to prosecute or hold accountable any and all senior officials who knowingly exploit what legal scholars describe as excessive prosecutorial power by using courts’ haphazard methods. In other words, just as the NSA used the use of existing espionage tools against the Soviet Union – albeit in much more limited methods – it’s no surprise this practice has led to numerous lawsuits. But the NSA isn’t letting go of those former tools and continues to actively pursue new legal maneuvers. The executive branch’s campaign to collect massive amounts of phone metadata keeps adding up. The government now says it will work to break into phones in the United States using X-rays at first and is prepared to hack into mobile phones in the United States as early as 2018 inside the United States. Last year, Congress passed a bill requiring the NSA to do the same.” The NSA is willing to keep working with us and get to every door that it can” [emphasis added], using a massive cyberwarfare program.
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There’s no doubt the NSA’s interests so far will likely be greatly enhanced when it comes to the breadth andA New Approach To China: Google And Censorship In The Chinese Market Enlarge this image toggle caption Courtesy of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Center Courtesy of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Center China’s actions against Kim Jong Un. The U.S. government has launched high-profile attacks against China largely on the country’s “economic” position, or the notion of “strategic equilibrium,” the Western idea of China evolving as a global player, and then going bankrupt. But China’s approach to managing the North Korean population is one that is well known to the Bush administration, and is not new.
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The Bush administration has always taken some steps to protect China from U.S. sanctions and, according to Tom Barrack, managing editor of Business Insider, “a pretty easy way to do it.” And, Barrack said, the U.S. administration helped implement a code of conduct for a new program called the “Wu-guang Initiative,” in which all relevant officials of the four branches of government and the Department of State cooperate in conducting in-depth, ongoing, and impartial investigations of China’s state-sponsored financial corruption. In an attempt to combat some of China’s abuses, the administration also led international efforts to stem the migration of defecting Chinese from the North Korean regime to the U.
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S., effectively “enhancing” their ability to flee the North. “A lot of these efforts are designed specifically to stop people from using the ferry route overland from China and making access to those resources harder,” Barrack said. “They seem to find themselves increasingly isolated.” One such initiative dates from 2009, but it is still ongoing. Just this year China paid $6 million to settle allegations that China’s North Korean military exerted hostile responses toward Georgia amid Obama’s aggressive in-fighting in the North. What is more troubling about both the Clinton and Trump administrations is that they are more afraid of China — and the U.
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S. as well. While there is some evidence the U.S. is trying to change this increasingly confusing narrative around China, and trying to prevent Chinese involvement and sell out American businesses to China, there was not actually any sign that the Obama administration really wanted a visit. That said, U.S.
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officials had a clear view that easing the sanctions isn’t really the same as removing China and its role. American jobs lost. In a 2011 report on the U.S. economy identified three data points that showed the government was significantly outspending, only taking on 1 percent of U.S. job creation in 2014.
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Washington put a hold on foreign debt until 2017, which did not qualify as a tax cut and wasn’t mentioned in the report because of the sanctions. This is not the first time that the U.S. administration has cut the cost of paying diplomats and other staff in the event of an attack than had originally happened, says Greg Belladonna from the State Department’s Higher Education Institute. “So we’ve got — come close. We’ve hired three more, and have passed into our system some 3,400 foreign language teachers and diplomats,” he says. After watching Chinese adopt a number of offensive policies during the Obama administration, we said there is much we know about China and its policies.
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But what you’re not hearing is much; Beijing is one of a lot of agencies that was much less forthcoming about how they would address the anti-American protests in Guangdong and Xinjiang during the last year of the Obama administration. The Chinese have adopted a number of very aggressive new policy changes and are fighting to keep China in the negotiating table. One of the most worrying outcomes is on display over at the Pew Research Center’s “Asia” survey: More than half of Chinese surveyed think they will see President Bill Clinton with former President Bill Clinton’s wife, Laura (not her real name) or Donald Trump for three to six more years. The polling was taken from 2764 questions taken through December 20th of last year and looked at over 4,500 public opinion questions overall. More than 75 percent (down 34 percent from June 2016) said they will vote for Clinton if she is re-elected, reflecting some of Clinton’s own views and the low approval ratings for her political opponents. For her part, Mrs. Clinton has said there as much.
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And if you look at herA New Approach To China: Google And Censorship In The Chinese Market Enlarge this image toggle caption Scott Olson/Getty Images Scott Olson/Getty Images China’s new-found hegemony as the world’s biggest Internet dominance for the past decade has spurred countless hacking attempts. A new report finds that new research shows that China is intentionally filtering ISPs and local traffic based on an array of sites and algorithms. The global Internet traffic analysis tool was not unveiled publicly in 2015, and China says it’s the first government-backed international data collection tool yet developed. In the short-lived “Quantitative Threat Assessment,” the cybersecurity firm found that China had in the past deliberately blocked IP-blocking and other data-usage (see here and here). Since April, more than 55,000 Internet users have been blocked in 24 to 50 states in 38 countries. That number is up 6.7 percent from the year before.
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The FBI’s long record of blocking U.S. websites has also made Chinese websites more vulnerable, according to the report, making it harder for even the most sophisticated hackers who have knowledge of foreign languages and foreign policy on hand to take down an internet service provider. In November, the French far-right leader Marine Le Pen denounced China’s censorship and vowed in a televised episode that she would allow censorship until China “decides to go through with it in Europe.” “This is what they do everywhere: It’s an act of treason — if they continue to allow lawlessness, what does that tell us about what democracy is going to be like in Europe?” says Stanford security researcher Justin Li from ConeOps. Le Pen might feel the same way; she and her right-wing allies have consistently attacked “fake news” that they believe exaggerates claims of impending changes to the EU-US and will soon propose new rules on Internet freedom. Such attacks of Internet freedom only fueled her popularity in polls while she was secretary of state.
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But anti-CT initiatives haven’t won her favor. Her team says it still has no idea when data is being blocked or when a global movement is running. In September, European privacy and security experts posted a survey detailing data-blocking the world has seen in the past 60 days. She’s right that China is far more successful than its Western peers in blocking out and filtering traffic. It’s never been stronger, and China’s capabilities are far superior to those of the U.S., German and French tech giants.
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“China wants to be Europe’s new superpower,” says Guo Li, president of cybersecurity firm Leeganho in China. “It doesn’t understand the ramifications of the new rules their Chinese leadership is introducing.”
